When is alabama primary 2017

While it is highly unlikely one might say close to impossible that any Democrat will carry the state of Alabama in November the last time Alabama voted for a Democratic nominee for President was , when Jimmy Carter won the state by a comfortable margin , Alabama Democrats will also likely decide who to cast their vote for based on who does the most good or the least harm to Sen.

Jones, who narrowly won his seat in a special election in , is expected to face an uphill battle this year. Another important dynamic at work in the Alabama primary is the composition of the expected Democratic electorate. However, in previous states there has only been limited evidence for an increased influx of former Republicans into the Democratic primary electorate.

Former Vice President Joe Biden has been enjoying a comfortable lead among Black voters both nation-wide and in South Carolina and won Black voters by a point margin in the Nevada caucuses, but there is no recent polling of Black voters in Alabama. This combination of a lack of polling, a primary electorate that differs both demographically as well as ideologically from that of other early states, and the still somewhat fluid state of the overall race ahead of the South Carolina primary makes it hard to predict who is likely to win Alabama, though from what we know it should be relatively favorable to former Vice President Biden.

Earlier story:. Strange weighs in. Moore courting Brooks voters. Moore: "Those in Washington are scared. And from Brooks. Latest from the Moore camp.

As of now. Looks like for percentages, we'll finish up around 39 percent for Moore, 32 percent for Strange and 20 percent for Brooks.

Big dollar backer speaks out. From the Senate Leadership Fund, which pumped big dollars into Strange's campaign:. We are proud to have strongly supported President Trump's number-one ally in this race and we believe the President's support will be decisive as we head into the next phase of this campaign, which Senator Strange will win in September.

Brooks announces Congressional bid. Mo Brooks just announced from podium that he will run for Congress in for 5th term. Supporters give him standing ovation. Latest numbers. The Trump questioning has already started. And we have Republican nominees. The two will meet in a Sept.

Moore maintains the lead. Latest numbers have Moore at 40 percent, Strange at 32 percent and Brooks at 20 percent. It's all but certain we'll see a runoff between Moore and Strange.

On the GOP side. In total votes, Moore at about 69K. Strange at about 53K. Brooks at 31K. We have a nominee Jones received 64 percent of the vote to Robert Kennedy's 18 percent and Michael Hansen's 8 percent. Moore still ahead. Moore is at 38 percent compared to Strange's 31 percent and Brooks' 22 percent.

Brooks enjoyed a nice boost from his home base of Madison County but still lags behind. Still waiting on voter-rich Shelby County. Did Trump endorsement doom Brooks? Guv candidate Stacy George, Moore supporter, at Moore reception. Says he thinks Trump endorsement of Strange hurt Brooks badly. Moore moves ahead. Moore has moved ahead of Strange 38 percent 22, votes to 32 percent 18, votes Brooks is in third with 19 percent 11, votes.

Strange in the house. Strange has arrived, thanking campaign volunteers and supporters. ALSen alpolitics pic. Moore confident. Judge Moore appears. Says "the question is how much we'll win by. Read more ». Sign up to be notified on election days. Advances to runoff. Moore Roy Moore , Results ». Leader Moore Strange Brooks. County Moore Strange Brooks Rpt. Jefferson 13, The legal age of consent in Alabama is Moore denied the allegations in a statement, calling them a "desperate political attack.

Below are listed the three most recent events related to the sexual misconduct charges against Moore during the general election. For a full timeline of the events, click here.

As of November 27, , Jones had outspent Moore on advertising in the general election. On December 2, , the Moore campaign requested that the Jones campaign retract an ad which highlighted Moore's judicial record in three cases involving sexual abuse and assault of minors, arguing that it was misleading.

A narrator says in the ad, "Alabama, there's a pattern. In a case involving a man convicted of abusing two underage girls, Judge Roy Moore disagreed and wrote the dissenting opinion. In a case involving a man who pleaded guilty to raping an underage girl, Roy Moore dissented again.

And Roy Moore was the only Supreme Court justice who sided with a felon convicted of sexual abuse of a child at a daycare center. Court documents, real facts. Roy Moore's disturbing conduct. In the first two cases, Moore argued in dissenting opinions that the court should have considered whether the sexual history of the accusers should have been admissible evidence.

In the case, Moore argued the facts in the case did not support one of the two charges against the defendant. Moore said in a statement, "In all three Supreme Court cases mentioned in Doug Jones's latest campaign ad, he blatantly misrepresents the facts and my judicial record. I did not disagree with the convictions of the defendants in those cases. The Moore campaign also took issue with an ad from the pro-Jones super PAC Highway 31, in which the narrator says, "Your vote is public record, and your community will know whether or not you helped stop Roy Moore.

A spokesman for Highway 31 responded, "The Secretary of State is distorting the intent of the ad. Whether or not someone votes is public knowledge. The ad is not improper. The following social media statistics were compiled on December 5, , to provide a snapshot of user engagement with each candidate online. Although Moore had more followers than Jones on Facebook, Jones expanded his presence on that social network at a greater rate: 47 percent vs.

On Twitter, however, the opposite was true. Jones' follower count of 89, showed a growth rate of 53 percent. Moore increased his Twitter followers by percent over the same time period to 73, The table below summarizes the endorsements Ballotpedia identified for the two Republican candidates in the primary runoff race.

Do you know of an official or organization that endorsed a candidate in this race? Let Ballotpedia know by email at federal ballotpedia. Ballotpedia tracked whether or not endorsers of Mo Brooks prior to the August 15 primary changed their endorsements to either Moore or Strange in advance of the September 26 runoff.

The table below includes the endorsements Brooks received in the primary and indicates if the endorser changed to back one of the runoff candidates.

On September 16, Brooks himself endorsed Moore. Luther Strange. Politico reported that these funds were expected to boost Strange's campaign. After the election, party leaders and journalists tried to explain the causes and consequences of Jones defeating Moore. By running such a terrible campaign and by having such an awful past, Moore helped Alabama adopt New York values. More specifically, he pushed them to elect Doug Jones, the only pro-abortion senator from the Deep South.

After credible, substantiated, and corroborated allegations surfaced that Moore had a thing for teenagers, the race narrowed. Moore went on the defensive. Jones went on the offensive. And Alabama, as the New Yorker observed, was forced to decide between 'the morality of sexual predation and the morality of abortion.

But the simple fact remains that Moore, the aspiring one-man vice squad, made social conservatives vote against their conscience. In short, he broke the Bible Belt. Only a historically flawed candidate could have managed it, and Roy Moore fit the bill. Twice bounced from the Alabama supreme court, prone to kooky and noxious views, ignorant of the law and public policy, Moore was already a shaky electoral bet even before allegations from multiple women emerged that he had dated or forced his attentions on them when he was a grown man and they were teenagers.

A swath of the GOP tried to do the prudent and decent thing and force Moore from the race in favor of a write-in candidate.

Probably only President Trump had the sway to get him out of the race. Even before the allegations of sexual impropriety arose, Moore had a history of underperforming other Republican office holders on the ballot.

And, in a Republican primary, that was enough. But Moore showed zero inclination or ability to ever expand beyond that hardcore base. His candidacy felt more geared toward the s than Meanwhile, Jones avoided being labeled a national Democrat and did everything he could to make the race about values -- and who better shared the values of the average Alabama voter. He didn't spend tons of time talking about abortion or guns. He talked about the economy and about how Moore let his own personal ideology get in the way of doing what was right for the state.

The lesson: Even in a state as red as Alabama, you can't nominate a massively flawed candidate and just expect the partisanship of the electorate to deliver a win for you. Particularly when the other side nominated a credible alternative. Instead of being the absentee candidate who ran an absentee campaign, could Moore have overcome his eventual small margin of defeat by embracing voters rather than keeping himself at safe distances if not outright ignoring them?

Moore essentially campaigned on reputation alone. He sat back with the expectation that the support he's enjoyed in twice being elected to the Alabama Supreme Court would carry him past Jones—the energetic, workaholic candidate who would squeeze three events in three different cities in the same day.

Moore, meanwhile, always seemed like the reluctant candidate. That's not to say he didn't want to win and become senator, it's just that he seemed to have a distaste for the pursuit of votes. They decided that the allegations mattered.

They decided that Moore's campaign was more about his vision of how the world should be rather than an effort to see the world through the eyes of his voters. They can no longer claim their preferred candidate prevails in general elections.

That wing of the party took what should have been a slam-dunk race…and threw it away to a Democrat with a candidate who not only turned out to be a loose cannon, but a child molester. But what made this different from past norms was the swaggering Bannon, perhaps seduced into believing he could work miracles after his success with Trump last year.

Bannon kept faith with year-old Moore and, slowly but surely, reeled Trump, Hannity and the Republican National Committee back in with a brazen appeal to political expediency. Their goal: to curtail his influence ahead of the midterms, in which Bannon has vowed to recruit candidates to knock off McConnell-backed incumbents. Chamber of Commerce. The results in Alabama, Reed said, 'hurt the Trump movement. I was a Mo Brooks supporter from Day One.

I thought he would have been a great candidate. The person that came out strongest against Mo Brooks Mitch McConnell literally put himself in the middle of the race time and again, and it didn't work out well for him.

This room is gonna be walking out with a vengeance. Does that make sense? Andy Surabian, a Bannon ally and chief strategist for the Great America Alliance Super Pac told the Guardian: 'By doing everything in their power to defy the president and throw this race to a liberal Democrat, [senator majority leader Mitch] McConnell and his allies just ignited a firestorm with the grassroots. It wanted to defeat a pro-Trump candidate like Judge Moore. In fact, in normal election year turnouts like in midterms , enough GOP voters turned out to carry Roy Moore and Ed Gillespie to victory.

In , if Roy Moore had gotten the , votes he got Tuesday night in a race for governor he would have beaten the Democratic candidate overwhelmingly. The Democrat in got approximately , votes. The problem for Moore was that Democrats and independents were much more enthusiastic to vote especially anti-Trump voters and they turned out in record numbers.

This same thing happened in Virginia, so we are seeing a pattern here. Normal GOP turnout, but huge turnout increases for the Democrats running. And Jones said he wanted to change Alabama's laws to make it easier to vote, a move long championed by Democrats in the face of restrictive measures Republicans have pushed. Even as Jones cozied up to Republican figures, the chairman of the Democratic National Committee, Tom Perez, said the way Jones won 'is exactly the way Democrats can win everywhere.

The money went toward turning out African-Americans and millennials, he said. Exit poll data showed that strong turnout from black voters was a major factor in Jones's victory. He said at his news conference Wednesday that he would like to see Alabama ease its voter laws, which are among the strictest in the nation and which critics argue disproportionately hurt African-Americans. Black women, and men for that matter, aren't usually categorized as 'values voters' in the media, which usually reserve that term for conservative white Christians.

But perhaps it's well past time for that to change. Almost as many Alabamans voted for him in an irregularly scheduled midwinter special election as voted for Hillary Clinton last year — but Moore got less than half as many votes as Trump had. He initially said 20 percent, then revised it upward to 25 percent. In the end, turnout came in at 40 percent, which is unheard of for an off-cycle special election in the month of December in Alabama.

And digging deeper in Alabama, 40 percent of voters strongly disapproved of the president, while 33 percent strongly approved. The priority of any representative should be protecting the rights of the most vulnerable — particularly their right to vote, without which all other rights are threatened.